|
ETHICS IN SCIENCE AND ENVIRONMENTAL
POLITICS
ESEP 2001, 9–18, Published January 23 © Inter-Research 2001
Resale or republication not permitted without written consent of
the publisher
Republished here by permission of the publisher and author
Original
publication in PDF format
Virginia Deane Abernethy, Vanderbilt
University School of Medicine
209 Oxford House, Nashville, Tennessee 37232-4245, USA
virginia.abernethy@mcmail.vanderbilt.edu
ABSTRACT: Within just the last
few centuries, science and technology have enlarged human capabilities
and population size until humans now take, for their own use, nearly
half of the Earth’s net terrestrial primary production. An ethical
perspective suggests that potentials to alter, or further increase,
humanity’s use of global resources should be scrutinized through
the lenses of self-interested foresightedness and respect for non-human
life. Without overtly invoking ethics, studies of the carrying capacity
achieve just this objective. Carrying capacity is an ecological
concept that expresses the relationship between a population and
the natural environment on which it depends for ongoing sustenance.
Carrying capacity assumes limits on the number of individuals that
can be supported at a given level of consumption without degrading
the environment and, therefore, reducing future carrying capacity.
That is, carrying capacity addresses long-term sustainability. World-views
differ in the importance accorded to the carrying capacity concept.
This paper addresses three world-views – ecological, romantic, and
entrepreneurial – and explores the ethics and the policy implications
of their contrasting perspectives.
KEY WORDS: Carrying capacity ·
Population · Environment · Limits · Ethics · World-views
INTRODUCTION
Environmental carrying capacity
is a venerable, if hypothetical, ecological concept that has acquired
fresh currency in light of the growing human population. It relates
individuals to quantity of resources and quality of life, so it
implies limits.
Familiar to stock-growers – year
in and year out, for example, it takes 30 acres to support a cow-calf
unit on typical Wyoming range-land – the concept of carrying capacity
in the modern context refers to the number of humans who can be
supported without degrading the natural, cultural and social environment.
Exceeding the human carrying capacity implies impairing the environment’s
ability to sustain the desired quality of life over the long term.
The appropriate comparison is to a too-dense cattle herd that finds
sufficient feed for several years, but at the cost of over-grazing
so that the land’s future yield is reduced to below the original
level.
The concept of carrying capacity
is widely discounted, in part because it is fluid and virtually
unquantifiable. Past discoveries and technological breakthroughs
have, many times, raised carrying capacity, and much western science
encourages the belief that technology’s potential is unlimited.
Technological optimists typically reject scientific warnings that
no substitutes exist for topsoil, fresh water, clean air, and the
"free services" of many species, or that technology and its
deployment to replace existing uses of petrochemical energy will
take 20 years to bring on line, minimum. The standard answer to
evidence that a non-renewable resource is being depleted, or a renewable
one degraded, is that, if a resource becomes "scarce" or pollution
too detrimental, prices will rise sufficiently to call forth either
substitutes or innovative technology that overcomes the problem.
Technology and market mechanisms, it is said, will always enable
humans to overcome putative natural limits.
Economic cornucopians point to
low (even falling) prices for essential commodities and staples,
arguing that they give no sign of impending scarcity. Economic pricing
theory is conveniently ignored, although this suggests that a purely
competitive market – which describes many agricultural sectors -
as opposed to a monopolistic market often induces producers to go
on producing regardless of price signals. Pure competition may,
indeed, promote increased production as a strategy for maintaining
a constant income stream in the face of declining prices.
Oil production in the late 1990s,
when a barrel of oil was priced at approximately $10.00, exemplifies
the price and production effects of relatively pure competition
even when the resource in question is actually limited. Producer
countries in the mid-East are dependent on oil revenues to maintain
the various consumer subsidies to which their populations have become
accustomed. In the face of low prices, production surged in order
to maintain the needed revenue. Only when the Organization of Petroleum
Exporting Countries (OPEC) re-exerted production caps did prices
rise. The leaders and the citizenry of industrialized countries
seldom interpret the higher price of oil or natural gas as a sign
of scarcity. Many remain convinced that prices are arbitrarily manipulated.
The production quotas set by oil producing countries are not seen
as sensible responses that have much to do with knowledge about
the limited quantity of the underlying resource.
Mixed evidence often leads to rejecting
the concept of carrying capacity, possibly because it is reassuring
– inherently more pleasing - to believe that humanity has escaped
from limits that constrain the growth of all other species. Moreover,
much in western history warrants such confidence. For example, in
the last decades of the nineteenth century, just as the United States’
eastern forests were about depleted, crude oil was discovered and
put to multiple uses formerly met by wood fuel. Ecologists, partisans
in the ongoing debate, not only assert that limits to essential
resources and the threat of both local and global pollution are
apparent already, but also warn of a threshold effect. They point
out that a boundary condition can be encountered suddenly. Simplistically,
a person jumping off a forty-story building might enjoy the ride
until brought up short by the landing. A standard requiring total
certainty - such as the landing - carries a risk. This risk is that
proof of the carrying capacity’s being exceeded may come only after
much damage – and perhaps irretrievable damage – has been done.
If optimistic forecasts are wrong
and a natural threshold is crossed, the consequence could be calamitous.
Nevertheless, proof sufficient to convince skeptics remains elusive.
Many experts and opinion-makers contend that most difficulties are
temporary, requiring only the right fix. The inexactness of carrying
capacity models encourages that perspective. An exact limit for
a local population is rarely if ever established.
Yet, population studies in human
and other animal populations repeatedly show that exceeding this
uncertain limit, the carrying capacity, results in catastrophic
change. When do problems start to be seen as intractable? When does
the perceived cost of being wrong about unlimited technological
potential outweigh the perceived cost of being wrong about limits
where none, in fact, exist?
Realms of disagreement
Disagreement about the theoretical
validity of conceptualizing and estimating ecological limits, and
its practical ramifications, is only the beginning. Attitudes toward
limits can be expressed in different realms, becoming virtually
an existential issue. One major philosophical tradition denies limits
to humanity’s moral capacity. The divergence in schools of thought
reaches into policy.
In mid-eighteenth century France,
controversy over limits hinged on human moral capabilities. Francois-Marie
Arouet de Voltaire dramatized the conflict of worldviews in Candide.
Early in the plot, a trusting Pangloss confidently reassures Candide
that they are living in the best of all possible worlds. Ultimately,
a world-worn and soberer duo settle for improving their own backyard,
"Cultiver son propre jardin."
Opposed to Voltaire’s eighteenth
century rationalist view were the romanticists Jean Jacques Rousseau
and Condorcet in France and William Godwin, father of Mary Shelley,
in England. Central to their belief was the imagining – untroubled
by modern archeology - of the uncorrupted "noble savage" of
the Americas, which ostensibly proved to their satisfaction the
(re)perfectibility of man and of society in the context of living
harmoniously with nature.
Historical notes
The eighteenth and nineteenth century
controversy about physical limitations was concerned less with absolutes
than with the balance between population and resources. A maelstrom
swirled around Thomas Robert Malthus, whose famous first edition
of his essay on population was published on June 7, 1798. Malthus
argued that most humans would reproduce up to, or even surpass,
the limit of resources available to them.
The Malthusian observation invites
the conclusion that most people find sustained prosperity elusive,
because technological progress or other addition to wealth stimulates
population growth. This growth eventually restores the original
ratio of resources to people.
Malthus is remembered for the elegance
and force of his argument; however, the essential element of his
thought had been anticipated. Writes ecologist Garrett Hardin, "Two
thousand years ago Koheleth, the Preacher, said in Ecclesiastes
5:11: ‘When goods increase those who eat them increase.’" Similarly,
"the English philosopher David Hume, in 1752, played a variation
on the theme in Ecclesiastes: ‘Where there is room for more people,
they will always arise’" (Hardin 1998a). Malthus, a theologian
and political scientist, surely knew both sources.
THREE WORLD VIEWS
The conflicting worldviews on limits
to both resources and human moral capacities descend to the present.
The taxonomy proposed here identifies three patterns and is admittedly
an oversimplification. But a division into ecological, entrepreneurial,
and romanticist traditions – loose classification though it is -
may partially illuminate present-day political and issue coalitions
that might otherwise seem mystifying.
Entrepreneurs
The entrepreneurial tradition relies
on individual initiative and contractual relationships for the betterment
of mankind and society, and is mainly skeptical of the moral perfectibility
of human kind. In the tradition of John Locke, it assumes that pursuit
of private ends can serve the common good because the incentive
to increase personal property often results increasing the total
wealth that a society may ultimately enjoy. Proponents are pragmatists
and, often, self-styled conservatives.
The dominant motive acknowledged
in oneself and generally attributed to others is not altruism but
self-interest, - as in the Declaration of Independence’ guarantee
of the "pursuit of happiness" - which is taken to be a virtually
universal human characteristic that can be socially channeled to
become usually positive in effect. Competitive self-interest reinforced
by good information and accountability is expected to yield a well-regulated
society, rational markets, prosperity founded on market principles,
and fair government. The entrepreneur advocates free trade and ample
immigration so long as these policies appear to enhance net profits.
They rely not on perfecting human moral instincts but, rather, on
the social contract for mutually-agreed governance.
The entrepreneur’s differential
views of limits depending upon their reference to moral or physical
realms suggest a pragmatic rather than ideological foundation. Pragmatists
are swayed by evidence.
Technological innovations that
quadrupled carrying capacity since the Malthusian era are the basis
for the entrepreneur’s skepticism that material limits are real
and close. A 1997 essay in The (London) Economist points out that
"predictions of ecological doom, including recent ones, have such
a terrible track record that people should take them with a grain
of salt." The essay continues, "…journalists and fame-seekers
will no doubt continue to peddle ecological catastrophes at an undiminishing
speed. These people, oddly, appear to think that having been invariably
wrong in the past makes them more likely to be right in the future"
(Environmental Scares, 1997, p.19).
Reasonably enough, this essay appeals
to the historical record. Why would the future be different?
As the twentieth century closes,
many entrepreneurs accept the assumptions relating to technology
and the physical world that have been provided, in large measure,
by Julian Simon. This is the late University of Maryland economist,
author, and editor of the rose-colored-wrapper compendium The State
of Humanity (1996) and pro-immigration tracts such as Immigration:
The Demographic and Economic Facts (1995).
Simon's premise is that limits
to natural resources as well as the environment's capacity to cope
with pollution invariably yield to the transformations made on nature
by technology. Thus, natural constraints are merely challenges,
ultimately irrelevant to the economy. Technology will refresh or
give us substitutes for clean air and water, rich topsoil, cheap
fossil fuels, and Earth's services in detoxifying pollution. That
is, man-made capital can substitute for natural resources indefinitely
and without end; repeated doublings of the size of the economy and
population present only opportunity. Whatever accelerates growth
should be pursued.
In 1995, a Washington, D.C. think-tank,
the Cato Institute, published Simon's nigh-incredible cornucopian
assertion that "Technology exists now to produce virtually inexhaustible
quantities of just about all the products made by nature."
Extending his foray into the world of science, Simon writes, "We
have in our hands now -- actually in our libraries -- the technology
to feed, clothe and supply energy to an ever-growing population
for the next 7 billion years.... Even if no new knowledge were ever
gained... we would be able to go on increasing our population forever..."
(Cato Institute 1995, p. 14).
Note that 7 billion years ago was
about two and a half billion years before the first one-celled life
form appeared in Earth's newly formed primal ooze. Can one have
confidence in the author of prognostications for 7 billion years
into the future?
Physicist Albert A. Bartlett of
the University of Colorado is a gentleman inclined to give adversaries
the benefit of the doubt. Therefore, he was pleased to report that
Simon did not entirely mean what he wrote: "Simon said that the
‘7 billion years’ was an error and it should have been ‘7 million
years.’" But, Bartlett continues, "It is too early to breathe
easily." Given the 1996 world population of approximately 5.7
billion and an annual population growth rate of 1 percent, world
population after 7 million years would be equal to 2.3 x 1030410.
"This is a fairly large number!" (Bartlett 1996).
Non-mathematicians might like to
know that 2.3 x 1012 is 2.3 trillion (American definition
of "trillion"). So how large is a number with the exponent
of not 12 but 30410?
The hard-line cornucopian view
also has champions in Dennis T. Avery of the Hudson Institute and
author of Saving the World with Pesticides and Plastic (1995), and
Thomas Lambert of the Center for the Study of American Business
(CSAB). Lambert writes that, "natural resources are not limited
in any meaningful sense" because resources are really best
understood as services. It is, after all, "the particular services
a material provides -- not its physical composition -- that makes
a material a resource" (Lambert, 1996, p. 5).
While appealing in their reasonableness
(unlike Simon), Lambert's and Avery's visions deny the implications
of the environment’s being an envelope around the economy. Yet,
the environment provides inputs to economic production, and the
environment receives not only the useful but also the waste products
of economic activity. As put by economist Herman Daly, "The economy
is a wholly-owned subsidiary of the environment."
The ecology response to the cornucopian
vision
Ecologists and certain economists
- for example, Daly (1990; 1991; Cobb and Daly, 1990) - point out
that technology can employ (or alter or discover) one resource to
make up for shortfalls in another, and use assorted strategies to
minimize pollution, but these expedients only change the pressure
point. One cannot avoid the risk of shortfalls or bottlenecks developing
in the substitutes and during the transformation process. Difficulty
is compounded if the real world has a propensity to develop problems
in multiples, not one at a time. In times of stress, anything that
can go wrong, might go wrong. How does technology cope with the
snowball effect? "With difficulty," answers an ecologist or
old-fashioned conservative. And, "Why take the risk?"
The energy constraint
Since mid-century (Cottrell, 1955),
growing numbers of scientists have tried to make the public aware
that the large increase in carrying capacity has been possible only
because of readily available fossil fuels, especially oil. Walter
Youngquist (1997), Colin Campbell, L.F. Ivanhoe, Richard Duncan
and others suggest that a peak in oil production in the vicinity
of 2005 to 2015 A.D. will be followed by steady decline. Natural
gas is expected to be plentiful for about 40 years after the peak
in oil production, and new processes are likely to increase its
versatility. Without fossil fuels, it would probably be impossible
to farm the vast acreage that has made possible the present population
size.
In November, 2000, geologist Richard
Duncan addressed a Geological Society of America "summit" held
in Reno, Nevada. Citing historical data, Duncan shows that world
energy production per capita grew by 3.45 percent annually between
1945 and 1973; growth slowed to 0.64 percent annually from 1973
to 1979; then growth ended and began to decline at the rate of 0.33
annually from 1979 to 1999. Fitting a mathematical equation to data
points on this curve, Duncan derives projections which suggest that,
by 2030, energy production per capita will fall back to its 1930
value. This scenario envisions rolling, then permanent, blackouts
of high-voltage electric power networks, worldwide.
Industry
Industry geologists are sanguine
regarding the quantity and substitution possibilities for natural
gas and other energy sources and do not yet state publicly that
a peak in oil production is imminent. Nevertheless, more pessimistic
forecasts are gaining ground (Banks 1998), and the Paris-based International
Energy Agency (IEA) of the Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development (OECD) stated in 1998, for the first time, that
"the peak of world oil production is in sight" (Kerr 1998).
Were the majority to adopt the views of Campbell and others, entrepreneurial
assumptions about limits might be readily reversed.
The habit of inductive reasoning
makes entrepreneurs open to new perspectives. Sustained sharp price
increases for essential commodities, rising public costs (higher
taxes) associated with a rapidly growing population, and fees for
the formerly-free services of nature would be persuasive to those
of the entrepreneurial bent. Many who reject ecological statistics
would be weaned from the conviction that wealth is both abundant
and renewable by market and financial signals.
Romanticists
Contrasting with the pragmatism
of the entrepreneurial sector, the romanticist tradition appears
to be driven by ideology. Denying limits in all realms, romanticists
assert an unlimited human moral capacity to do right. While conceding
that some people go wrong, romanticists explain that humans are
not expected to reach their full moral potential under impoverished
or mean social conditions.
The development of true altruism
– not mere reciprocal altruism – is the highest moral trait in the
romantic pantheon, but it requires nurturing love and a sufficiency
of goods. Thus, the theoretical perfectibility of humanity and human
society carries a caveat regarding requirements for a supportive
social and economic milieu. These presumptions are the source of
advocacy for social reform and government regulation aimed at redistributing
wealth in order to overcome deprivation.
Given that it is society’s obligation
to rehabilitate the less fortunate so that every potential for human
perfectibility is actualized, it becomes axiomatic, for romanticists,
that society can do it. The means exist. Romanticists trust that
nature can provide without limit because, if the goal that all humans
should have access to sufficient resources is to be realized, that
is clearly necessary.
In the romanticist formulation,
therefore, the ecologists’ concept of carrying capacity is irrelevant,
if not malevolent, because it sets an upper limit to the resources
that ever can become available to humanity. Lest moral potentials
not be fulfilled, social reformers are constrained to believe in
boundless wealth that need only be equitably distributed in order
to create the perfect society.
Independently, Garret Hardin has
arrived at a similar analysis of the romanticist worldview. He cites
in evidence Karl Marx’s unprovoked ad hominem attacks on Malthus
(in the vein of "‘superficial,’ ‘a professional plagiarist’").
Hardin suggests that "a single overarching view accounts for these
and many other invectives put forward by Marxists and liberals during
the past century and a half: this is their tightly held denial of
limits in the supply of terrestrial resources. Friedrich Engels,
Marx’s collaborator and financial supporter, asserted baldly that
‘The productivity of the land can be infinitely increased by the
application of capital, labour (sic), and science’" (Hardin
1998b, p.182).
The romanticist tradition is manifest
in modern times among those who strive to advance internationalist
and collectivist agendas. They believe in breaking down national
boundaries because nation-states perpetuate disparities in wealth.
University of Chicago professor Martha Nussbaum exemplifies the
tradition in her teaching that "the concept of national citizenship
is too exclusive and ‘morally dangerous.’ Justice and equality,
she claims, require ‘allegiance to the worldwide community of human
beings’" (Erasing Self-Rule 1998, p.16). Romanticists support
behavior and international institutions that tend to erode sovereignty.
Some who appear to favor world
government try to deflect objections by asserting its inevitability.
Joe De Courcy observes that, "On 17 February 1930, for instance,
a leading member of the Council on Foreign Relations, James P. Warburg,
told a U.S. Senate Committee: ‘We shall have world government whether
we like it or not...by consent or by conquest.’ In 1976, Professor
Saul Mendlovitz, director of the World Order Models Project, said
there is ‘…no longer a question of whether or not there will be
a world government by the year 2000.’" The stealth strategy
is preferred by former Senator Alan Cranston (D–California), past
president of United World Federalists. He "told Transition, a publication
of the Institute for World Order, that: ‘The more talk about world
government, the less chance of achieving it, because it frightens
people who would accept the concept of world laws’" (de Courcy
1998, pp. 34-35).
Ecologists
The ecological tradition is in
almost all respects the opposite of the romantic-internationalist.
Ecologists are strongly influenced by biology and many emerge from
this academic discipline. Their views are formed from observation
of natural systems, including behavior; that is, their method of
reasoning is inductive, like the entrepreneur, although the two
traditions attend to different data sets.
Physical limits
Ecologists accept the concept of
carrying capacity as essentially self-evident. The Earth is round
and finite; so, therefore, must be its resources and its capacity
to cope with pollution (Bartlett, 1996; Pimentel and Pimentel 1991;
1996). Further, they see the imminence of carrying capacity limits
in the deterioration of countless natural systems. Signs include
the 15 out of 17 world fisheries that have crashed; falling water
tables in aquifers; topsoil loss; annual oil production greater
than discoveries (therefore, declining real reserves); mass extinction
of species; and compromised capacity to cope with atmospheric and
water pollution (Pimentel and Pimentel 1996; 1997).
Carrying capacity has greatest
relevance to policy when viewed in local terms, because it often
is not possible to affect the destiny of units larger than the local
community or, at the outside limit, the nation. Information about
the environment, including resources and vulnerabilities, is often
best at regional or smaller levels. Further, cooperation is more
easily mobilized at the neighborhood, state, or at least national
level because it often depends upon kinship or friendship – a sense
of identity and shared interests that facilitates the exchange of
favors over periods sometimes longer than a generation. In addition,
the presence of a competitor is an incentive to cooperate. Communities
that are vying with an opponent will be more likely to cooperate
internally, but this motive cannot coexist with the ethos that all
belong to one world.
Finally, ecologists apply the lesson
of the "tragedy of the commons." In 1968 Garrett Hardin illuminated
the essential characteristic of a commons, defining it as a resource
from which no one can be excluded. Everyone has access to a commons.
The fact of universal access has
major implications for the motivation to conserve because conservation
depends upon self-restraint, saving a resource in order to enjoy
or use it in the future. No one has the incentive to conserve a
resource to which no one can be denied access, for the reason that
those making the effort, or their descendants, are very unlikely
to have much of the future benefit from their present sacrifices.
In a commons, in fact, the better
individual strategy is to use the resource as intensively and fast
as one can. The maxim is, "Use it or lose it," with a vengeance.
Organizations with the appearance
of a commons have successfully conserved or even improved a resource,
at times. But delving deeper into instances of this type invariably
reveals a mechanism for excluding users. This holds true whether
the resource is a forest, a fishing ground, or a village green for
pasturing sheep. Informal mechanisms for regulating use can be effective,
if often rough on transgressors, and the gradient of penalty may
escalate. But regulation that lacks enforceable and meaningful sanctions
is unlikely to protect a resource (Leal 1998; Ruttan 1998).
Thus, the moral hazard of the commons
is the ultimate, logical reason why one-world, a world without borders,
will not get one very far into a peaceful and prosperous future.
If no person, and no community or country, can say, "Keep out; it’s
mine," then no one and no region or country has the incentive
to conserve. And that, simply, is because there is almost no realistic
hope of future benefit in proportion to one’s effort and self-restraint.
Moral Limits
Ecologists tend to conclude that
the physical capabilities of Earth and the moral capabilities of
mankind are equally constrained by natural law. Humans are not so
unlike other species that the principles of evolutionary biology
would not apply to human behavior (Trivers 1971; Dawkins 1976; Wilson
1975). Survival and reproduction of one’s genes is the de facto
evolutionary test of success. Inevitably, behavior is shaped to
increase the probability of survival.
By extension, moral codes are subject
to the possibilities inherent in a physically-limited Earth. Ecologists
take into account that humans are not generally altruistic, because
altruism like other behavioral traits is to some extent heritable,
and altruists are less likely than others to leave offspring (Hamilton
1964; Trivers 1971; Wilson 1975). Behavior and culture that lead
to extinction of those who practice them cannot be moral, by definition.
For example, if wastefulness in use of resources leads to extinction,
then it cannot be moral. Nor can altruism including the sharing
of resources, if it leads to extinction, be moral (Elliott 1997).
Altruism is particularly self-destructive
when applied internationally. Those who advocate altruism must necessarily
believe that nature is a cornucopia of unlimited means.
Accepting limits in principle and
in fact, ecologists advocate not only prudence in use of resources
but also discovery of motives which induce intrinsically self-interested
humans to conserve, keeping in mind the moral hazard of the tragedy
of the commons.
To sum up the ecologist perspective,
given the probability of coming scarcity, a multiplicity of logistic
problems in increasing efficiency, and the realities of human nature
- including political and ethnic loyalties - many ecologists suspect
that the only practicable solutions to most environmental problems
will be local.
A COLLISION OF WORLDVIEWS
The romanticist assumption that
humankind and society are potentially perfectible, needing for fulfillment
only that the planet’s abundant resources should be equitably distributed,
entails a surprising array of corollary axioms. The heirs of Rousseau
and Marx advocate a world without borders, one-world. They reject
the competitive efforts of one country or region to thrive beyond
the realistic aspirations of any other. They espouse submerging
national interests.
Applied to the United States, the
one-world ideology is expressed in advocacy for reducing consumption
to the average of world levels (substantially lower than present
European levels of consumption) and for open borders. Part of the
rationale for the latter goal is that the United States is unlike
any other nation. It is a nation of immigrants having no history
of a citizenry who feel united as a people, and therefore it has
no legitimate territorial integrity. In short, the United States
is not a nation-state like other countries of the world but is,
rather, "an idea," appropriately stripped of sovereignty.
In the cultural and social realms,
this description of America justifies accelerated immigration of
peoples as unlike to existing Americans as possible, and advocacy
of multiculturalism. Already a feature of public school (embodied
in new, government-sponsored history standards) and many private
school curricula, multiculturalism teaches that all cultures are
equally relevant to America. Remarkably (and illogically within
the terms of multiculturalism’s own worldview) one culture is presented
as illegitimate – destined to be overcome by others. That is the
culture of the Founders based on European and particularly Anglo-Saxon
principles of ethics, government, religion, and Euro-American history.
Others think differently on each
of these dimensions. Whether it be the legitimacy of the nation,
the sense of patriotism and kinship in being American, the inviolability
of carrying capacity if the nation is to survive, or the means of
protecting carrying capacity, ecologists begin from different premises
and arrive at vastly different conclusions.
In addition, ecologists and entrepreneurs
are converging on the view that humans are not altruists - the opposite
of the romanticist credo. A factual basis for rejecting the myth
of the "noble savage" is well developed. The current view is
that altruism manifested in a conservation ethic is no more present
in traditional than modern society (Williams 1966; Ruttan 1998).
Inductive reasoning is common to
both ecologists and entrepreneurs but, focusing on different data,
they arrive at different conclusions. At present, entrepreneurs
assert that the greatest good derives from free trade and minimal
impediments to the movement of labor. Attentive to natural systems,
ecologists reach a conclusion – one also having policy implications
– that is based on the limits of nature in general, and of human
nature in particular.
It seems likely that the majority
of ecologists and entrepreneurs (with the exception of multinational
corporations) assume that the United States is a nation-state, like
others, with territorial integrity and its own culture. Culture
is taken to mean the values and assumptions, history, language,
and technology that are largely shared by all members of the society.
The government has its primary responsibility to the nation, the
United States, and a corollary obligation to protect the nation’s
people, all Americans. It would not put the matter too strongly
to assert that the government of the United States is obliged to
put the wellbeing of Americans above all others, just as the governments
of all other countries are expected to do for their people.
Preservation of carrying capacity,
which is inherently limited, is fundamental for the present and
future wellbeing of any nation. Over-taxing the carrying capacity
destroys, sometimes irremediably, the long-term ability of the resource
base to sustain those who depend on it.
Population growth indubitably increases
the pressure on the environment - even romanticists admit this so
long as their focus is the rest of the world rather than the United
States (see, for example, the former Vice-President Albert Gore’s
Earth in the Balance [1992]).Concern about U.S. population growth
pushes ecologists to protest present U.S. immigration policy which
allows the addition of over1 million persons annually (net of emigration),
as well as the subsequent growth from descendants of current immigrants.
Immigration and the children of post-1970 immigrant families, together,
accounted for over 70 percent of U.S. population growth in the decade
of the 1990s (Camarota 1999). That share rises continuously as the
stock of recent immigrants and their descendents grows and the native-born
fertility rate remains low.
Ecologists see not only the direct
threat to carrying capacity from increasing population size through
immigration, but also the indirect effect arising from immigration’s
effect on the incentive system. Americans are disposed to conserve
land that they own or control, to stabilize population through self-restraint
in childbearing (the native-born fertility rate is below replacement
level), to tax themselves for environmental rehabilitation efforts,
and to mitigate ongoing environmental destruction. However, immigration
makes the United States into an effective "commons," a condition
conducive to using resources as fast as possible lest one lose out
on one’s share.
A rational person who sees no prospect
of stabilizing population so long as immigration continues might
well resist any sacrifice made on behalf of the environment or society
at large (Abernethy, 1993). If efforts to protect the carrying capacity
are doomed to fail, anyway, because of continuing population growth,
why conserve, why do without today, why support an environmental
ethic? A case in point, to protest continuing immigration, some
Californians responded to water-use restrictions during the 1980s
drought with the bumper sticker, "Flush Twice."
Unless reasonably assured that
present and future benefit will accrue to themselves or their posterity,
few persons will forego present consumption or childbearing for
the purpose of conserving the environment. This means that Americans’
incentive to conserve the environment can probably be maintained
only by offering hope that their efforts will not be in vain. Ecologists
conclude that reducing immigration to the number compatible with
stabilizing population size, or even allowing population decline
should that prove necessary, is the only sustainable course.
A POLICY COLLISION
Translating worldviews into policy
initiatives, partisans of the three distinct traditions find themselves
joined in surprising coalitions. When the focus is on protecting
a particular resource (a forest, a river, public lands), romanticists
work together with ecologists. Romanticists and entrepreneurs (who
desire access to the cheaper world labor market without moving production
operations abroad) readily work together to defeat legislation that
would reduce immigration numbers to a level compatible with U.S.
population stabilization.
An instance of the serendipitous
romanticist-entrepreneurial coalition was their mobilization to
block a proposed reduction in numbers of legal immigrants in spring,
1996. The pro-immigration National Immigration Forum headed by Frank
Sharry and the liberal Urban League as well as the National Association
of Manufacturers and the National Trial Lawyers Association argued
in concert - and successfully - for continuing high levels of legal
immigration (Davidson 1995, p. 34; Chavez 1996; Levine 1996; Jacobs
1995; Freedburg 1996; Tech Firms 1996). However, this coalition
fragments on conservation issues.
Divisions can be found within the
entrepreneurial community itself. For example, Fred Charles Iklé,
himself a conservative, takes neo-conservatives to task for their
idealization of non-stop economic and population growth: "The fabulous
success of conservative economic policies has seduced many in our
midst into taking economic growth as the defining attribute of conservatism.
These brethren now believe that...good growth can and must continue
indefinitely. They act as if conservative thought were nothing but
the philosophy of perpetual growth" (Iklé 1994, p. 36).
Warning against immigration-driven
growth, conservatives might cite Lester Thurow, former Dean of MIT's
Sloane School of Business Administration, who postulates that "No
country can become rich without a century of good economic performance
and a century of very slow population growth" (cited in Lind
1995). In other contexts, Paul Krugman (1994) observes that "Economic
growth that is based on expansion of inputs, rather than on growth
in output per unit of input, is inevitably subject to diminishing
returns." Robert Stein in Investors Business Daily, states
that immigration dilutes the amount of capital available per job
and thus undercuts the mechanism for raising labor productivity
and non-inflationary wage increases (Stein 1995).
Ecologists attempt to appeal to
the business community by pointing out that population growth makes
more environmental regulation necessary and adds dramatically to
the fiscal burden of local and state government. The more general
arguments, that population growth threatens the carrying capacity,
and immigration depresses the wages of American labor (very often
the least skilled, already disadvantaged, are hurt most) seem more
attuned to classical liberal thinking.
The competing rationales and outcomes
appear reasonable or not depending upon one’s perspective. Entrepreneurs
hear restrictions on immigration as interference with free markets
and the economies of low-wage labor – although an imported labor
force displaces Americans who may then go on the public dole. Moreover,
low-skill immigrants and their families are very likely to depend
on public assistance (especially during months of slack employment),
lack health care insurance, and have children who are educated at
public expense (Matloff 1998; Huddle 1998). Calls for government
programs to correct poverty are an almost inevitable result of importing
poverty.
The radical-left element of the
romanticist school hears immigration restriction as racist (Political
Ecology Group 1998). Racism is inferred because reduced immigration
would inevitably cut most from the largest streams of immigrants,
which are from the third world and the former USSR. Further, one-world
romanticists cast the attempt to conserve a unique American culture
as illegitimate - although all nations, as a matter of course, intend
to conserve their own language, history, traditions, and values.
The charge of "racism" has successfully intimidated large numbers
of Americans whose goals are conservationist and certainly not racist.
I observe that the term, "Nazism," is being substituted as
"racism" loses credibility and punch.
Conservationists place a high priority
on the quality of life in their communities, and their goals encompass
preserving good opportunity for coming generations of Americans.
Most Americans look to the future. In the present, wishing to protect
American workers from having their wages competed down to third
world standards, citizens seek a healthful, open environment and
minimization of government intrusion into their lives. The majority
sees no need to reject the traditional culture, which is not only
their birthright but also the safeguard of democratic government
and constitutionally guaranteed freedoms.
Every country has its interests
and its culture. The culture evolves from within as most citizens
wish it to do. Such has been the course of history. In a healthful
state, the culture promotes a rate of growth, or stasis, where the
natural environment sustainably supports the associated society
at a level that is expected and acceptable to its citizens.
But romanticists deny the importance
of both limits and western culture and, for the sake of a one-world,
internationalist chimera in which everyone is equal, would see everyone
poor. This cannot be right. The moral high ground must have a basis
in environmental and human possibilities. Disrespect for the carrying
capacity is destabilizing. It exacts, ultimately, a devastating
toll.
LITERATURE CITED
- Abernethy, V. (1993). Population
Politics: The Choices that Shape Our Future. Plenum Press, NY.
- Avery, Dennis T. (1995). Saving
the Planet With Pesticides and Plastic. Hudson Institute, Indianapolis.
- Banks, Howard (1998). Cheap
Oil: Enjoy It While It Lasts. Forbes, June 15, pp. 84-86.
- Bartlett, Albert A. (1996).
The Exponential Function, XI: The New Flat Earth Society. The
Physics Teacher, September, 34, 1-2.
- Borjas, George (1996). The New
Economics of Immigration. The Atlantic Monthly, November, pp.
72-80.
- Borjas, G and Freeman R. (1997).
Findings We Never Found. The New York Times, December 10, Op-Ed.
- Chavez, Linda (1996). USA Today,
p.1.
- Camarota, Steven A. (1999).
Immigrants in the United States – 1998. Center for Immigration
Studies, Washington, D.C.
- Cobb, J.B. Jr. and Daly, H.E.
(1990). Free Trade versus Community: Social and Environmental
Consequence of Free Trade in a World With Capital Mobility and
Overpopulated Regions. Population and Environment, 11(3), 175-192.
- Cottrell, Fred (1955). Energy
and Society. McGraw-Hill, New York.
- Daly, Herman (1990). Toward
some operational principles of sustainable development. Ecological
Economics, 2, 1-6.
- Daly, H. (1991). Population
and Economics: A Bioeconomic Analysis. Population and Environment
12(3), 257-258,
- Dawkins, R. (1976). The Selfish
Gene. Oxford University Press, Oxford.
- Davidson, J. (1995). Wall Street
Journal, June 9, p. 34.
- De Courcy, Joe (1997). Globalists
v. the Nation State. The St. Croix Review, 31(2), 34-38.
- Elliott, Herschel (1997). A
General Statement of the Tragedy of the Commons. Population and
Environment, 18(6), 515-531.
- Environmental Scares (1997).
The Economist December 20, pp.19, 20.
- Erasing Self-Rule (1998). Middle
American News, June, p.16.
- Ferguson, Andrew (1998). "World
Carrying Capacities." Optimum Population Trust, Manchester,
England.
- Freedburg (1996). Few Visas.
San Francisco Chronicle, March 11, p. 1.
- Gore, A. (1992). Earth in the
Balance: Ecology and the Human Spirit. Houghton Mifflin, Boston.
- Hamilton, W.D. (1964). The Genetical
Evolution of Social Behavior. Journal of Theoretical Biology 7,
1-16.
- Hardin, Garrett (1998a). The
Number of Cars will Increase to Fill Six Lanes. January 18, p.G-4.
- Hardin, Garrett (1998b). The
Feast of Malthus. Social Contract 8(3), 181-187.
- Hardin, Garrett (1968). The
Tragedy of the Commons. Science 162, 1243-1248.
- Huddle, Donald (1998). Executive
Summary, Immigration’s Costs Keep Rising. Carrying Capacity Network,
Washington, D.C.
- Jacobs, Margaret A. (1995).
U.S. Businesses Fight a Cutback of Green Cards. Wall Street Journal,
Legal beat, July 11, pp. B1,2.
- Lambert, Thomas (1996). " Defusing
the ‘Population Bomb’ with free markets." Policy Study 129.
Center for Study of American Business, February. Washington University,
St. Louis.
- Iklé, Fred Charles (1994).
Growth Without End, Amen? National Review March 7, pp. 36-44.
- Leal, Donald R. (1998). Community-Run
Fisheries: Avoiding the "Tragedy of the Commons." Population
and Environment 19 (3), 225-246.
- Levine, F.J. (1996). Science
271, March 22, 1649.
- Lind, Michael (1995). America
by Invitation. The New Yorker April 24, pp. 107-112.
- Malthus, Thomas Robert (1789).
An Essay on the Principle of Population. Edition (1976) with sources
and criticism edited by Philip Adelman. W.W. Norton & Co.,
New York.
- Matloff, Norman (1998). Visa
Program for High Tech Workers. Wall Street Journal, June 5, Letters.
- National Research Council (1997).
The New Americans. The National Academy of Sciences, Washington,
D.C.
- Pimentel, D., and Pimentel,
M. (1991)."The Constraints Governing Ideal U.S. Population
Size." Negative Population Growth, Teaneck, NJ.
- Pimentel, David and Pimentel,
Marcia (Eds.). (1996). Food, Energy and Society. University Press
of Colorado, Niwot, CO.
- Pimentel, David and Pimentel,
Marcia (1997). Land, Energy, and Water. Revised edition. University
of Colorado, Boulder.
- Pimentel, David and Giampietro,
Mario (1994). "Food, Land, Population and the U.S. Economy."
Carrying Capacity Network, Washington, DC.
- Pimentel, David, Harvey, C.,
Resosudarmo, P., Sinclair, K., Kurz, D., McNair, M., Crist, S.,
Shpritz, L., Fitton, L., Saffouri, R., and Blair, R. (1995). Environmental
and economic costs of soil erosion and conservation benefits.
Science 267, Feb. 24, 1117-1123.
- Political Ecology Group (1998).
"Wooing the Sierra Club: Hate Groups Make Unlikely Suitors."
San Francisco, March 6, PEG, California.
- Ruttan, Lore M. (1998). Closing
the Commons: Cooperation for Gain or Restraint. Human Ecology
6,1, 43-66.
- Simon, Julian. (1995). "The
State of Humanity: Steadily Improving." Cato Policy Report
17 (5), Sept.Oct, 131.Cato Institute, Washington, D.C.
- Stein, Robert (1995). Should
We Still Welcome the Huddled Masses? Investors Business Daily
September 11, p. B1.
- Tech Firms. (1996).USA Today,
February 28, p. l.
- Trivers, R.L. (1971). The Evolution
of Reciprocal Altruism. Quarterly Review of Biology, 46, 35-57.
- Ventura, Stephanie, Martin,
Joyce A., Mathews, T.J., Clarke, Sally C. (1996). "Advance Report
of Final Natality Statistics, 1994." Supplement 44 (11),
June, Tables 10 & 11 (pp. 41-42). National Center for Health
Statistics, Division of Vital Statistics, Bethesda, MD.
- Williams, G.C. (1975). Sex and
Evolution. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
- Williams, G.C. (1966.) Adaptation
and Natural Selection: A Critique of Some Current Evolutionary
Thought. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press.
- Wilson, E.O. (1975). Sociobiology.
Cambridge: Harvard University Press
- Wolf, Charles Jr. (1994). The
New Mercantilism. The Public Interest, 116, 96-106.
- Youngquist, Walter (1997). GeoDestinies.
Portland, OR: National Book Company
- Editorial responsibility:
John Cairns Jr.,
- Blacksburg, Virginia, USA
- Accepted by editor: January
16, 2001
- Published on the Web: January
23, 2001
|